Berlin: Ribal Al-Assad calls for peaceful democratic reform in Syria in keynote address to Europe's leading Homeland Security Conference
Wednesday, 16 February 2011 5 more image(s) »
Ribal Al-Assad, the Director of the ODFS, today addressed a distinguished audience of senior politicians, civil servants, diplomats, police officers, intelligence service officers and journalists in Berlin, at the 14th European Police Congress, which is Europe's leading conference for Homeland Security. The conference is an established hub for around 1,500 experts from more than 60 nations and is organised by the German newspaper Behorden Spiegel.
In his keynote address, Mr Assad called for peaceful transitional democratic reform in Syria and for extremism to be challenged more robustly around the world. He also called for greater dialogue and co-operation between faiths and cultures. The speech was very well received. Later Mr Assad held a press conference.
Other speakers at the conference included, Cecilia Malmstrom, European Commissioner for Home Affairs, German Minsters of the Interior: Ralf Jager, Dr. Ehrhart Korting, Boris Rhein, and Dr. Dietmar Woldke, Jorg Schonbohn, Former Minister and Senator, Cem Ozdemir, leader of the German Green Party, Dr Manfred Schmidt, President of the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees, Ronald Grimes, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Dimitar Georgiev, Bulgarian Vice Minister of the Interior, Marian Tutilescu, State Secretary, Ministry of Interior, Romania and R. Uwe Proll, Editor in Chief, Behorden Spiegel.
In his keynote address, 'The path to democracy in Syria and the Middle East and the need to fight extremism', Ribal Al-Assad, said:
I would like to congratulate the Behorden Spiegel for organising this conference and thank them for inviting me.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great pleasure for me to be here today as this conference addresses some of the most pressing security concerns of our time.
I hope to be able to make a contribution to the debate, through reflecting on my campaigns for political freedoms in Syria and the Arab world, and for greater dialogue and cooperation between faiths and cultures.
Something remarkable has happened in North Africa; of this there can be no doubt. What began as protests of living conditions has evolved, quite organically, into a popular demand for political and social freedoms. Amidst the uncertainty of what may follow, complex questions raise their heads; questions over security, extremism, democratic development and political realignment.
This genie cannot be put back in its bottle. The ideas have taken hold, and a powerful idea can spread fast and lodge itself in the collective mindset of an entire people. How countries in the West respond to this phenomenon is just as important as how Arab states respond themselves.
For people like me, who have spent years promoting the virtues of democratic, cultural and human development, now is as much a time of optimism as it is a time of uncertainty.
The specific work that my colleagues and I have been doing for the past 12 months has been challenging, but stimulating and encouraging as well. The two organisations that I run have different missions, but I believe their overarching message to be the same: when different cultures and religions coexist peacefully, and when the people are free and prosperous, the benefits stretch far and wide.
I am the Director of the Organisation for Democracy and Freedom in Syria. I am also the Chairman of Iman, an inter-faith and inter-cultural organisation that seeks to promote greater understanding and cooperation between faiths and cultures.
Before I share with you some details about these organisations, and the work they do, I would like to spend a few minutes looking at the events occurring in the Arab world, and the implications these events may have not just on the future of specific countries, but on the future relationship between them and the West. Furthermore, we should consider the implications from a security perspective.
As 2010 was coming to an end, few people were aware of the great tensions and difficulties that bubbled beneath the surface in Tunisia. One man, 26 year old Mohammed Bouazizi, faced the same hardships as many others of his generation. He has a university degree, but no job. To make ends meet he began to sell fruit and vegetables. He had no licence, and when the authorities confiscated his livelihood he felt so desperate, and so deeply let down by his government, that he set himself on fire.
Sparks from those tragic flames were carried by the wind across Tunisia in a matter of hours, and the rest, as they say, is history.
The deep-rooted social and economic problems brought people out on to the streets across the region, and with extraordinary speed what began as anger over living conditions turned into fury at the lack of personal and political freedoms that many in the Arab world endure.
But it is not my intention to analyse the details of how these uprisings began. What I want to do is look at the consequences for the Arab world, and the West; both the ones we have seen already, and those consequences that may not yet be clear. What does it mean for stability in the region? What does it mean for the fine line between stability and security? What does it mean for democracy, and what risks could a fledgling democracy lead to?
Let me make my position perfectly clear; if we are for democracy, we are for democracy everywhere. If we are for freedom and liberty, we must support these ideas everywhere. And if we believe in security, markets and development then we must never make the mistake of thinking that some nations, or some people, are not “ready” for or suited to these concepts.
A country should not have to be deemed fit for democracy, a country becomes fit through democracy.
If we accept that Islamic extremism is one of the greatest threats to our security today, then we must recognise what drives this extremism, and what can help to smother it.
I believe the formula is quite simple:
Dictatorships breed corruption. Corruption breeds resentment. Resentment breeds extremism.
Consider the following; a young man, with an education, finds that he cannot find work. He cannot afford the necessary bribe for the licence to start a business. His quality of life falls dramatically. He begins to grow distant from society and the institutions he used to know. He comes to resent the life he leads and the world that has fostered it upon him.
Who will offer him support? The welfare state? Or the political extremities of violent Islam? In far too many Arab countries, the answer is all too often the latter.
Of course, not every disaffected youth turns to extremism. But the conditions created by oppressive regimes and dictatorships make life easier for those who would exploit hardship for their own ends.
We must embrace the idea that a free, educated and prosperous society will be far more likely to shut its ears to the extremist voices within. Furthermore, transparent, respected and functional state institutions will be better positioned to deal with the threat of extremism if they operate within a democratic, plural and stable society.
Despite the uncertainty of what the political map of the Middle East could look like in the months to come, there are already voices questioning whether democracy would “suit” a country like Egypt.
I do not believe that democratic elections will inevitably lead to an Islamist government, or even a government with Islamist sympathies. Most people in the Arab world do not want a theocracy.
The voices of those on the streets in North Africa are calling for freedom.
Freedom to choose their government, and freedoms under that government.
If the will of the people is listened to, it cannot be so easily manipulated by extremist groups. As the grievances of the people are addressed, the populist rhetoric of the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda will find it harder to reach sympathetic ears.
Jobs. Security. The freedom to engage with the world online. Peace.
These are what people are crying out for in Arab states.
Western governments have been extolling the virtues of democracy, as a cornerstone of their foreign policies, for decades. And so it is perhaps surprising that many in the West, who now share this aspiration, are nervous of the consequences.
The truth is that the sooner democracy flourishes in the Arab world, the safer the region – and the West – will be. With democracy come freedom, liberalism, openness and pluralism. It is irresponsible to favour the certainty of a dictator over the uncertainty of a new democracy.
The Organisation for Democracy and Freedom in Syria, which is based in London, has been working tirelessly to raise various issues with British and European Parliamentarians.
I have held dozens of meetings with MPs, Peers and MEPs in which I have sought to make them aware of the increasingly difficult living standards in Syria, and of the harsh realities of the Syrian regime.
What possible good can come from repressing bloggers, restricting the internet, detaining journalists, stifling dissent and turning a blind eye to corruption? None of these things will benefit a society that seeks progress, and yet all are visible in Syria today.
And it is progress that should be sought; for the benefit of the Syrian people, the region and yes, the West. The West has a role to play here, specifically the EU.
The instability of Lebanon, the efforts of Islamist groups and Iran’s constant quest for regional influence are all at play in Syria. The best way to counter the forces that do not seek peace is to encourage economic, social and political development in Syria. A free and democratic Syria would isolate Iran and reduce Islamist influence in Lebanon. As I have said before if the Berlin wall can fall, Syria can change.
Of course, political developments in the Middle East will have an effect on the West’s struggle against terrorism. We cannot confidently predict what the Middle East will look like in 3 months time, or 6 months time or in a year. But we can be certain that amidst all the upheaval to come there will be dissenting voices and arguments. This is politics.
What is crucial, is that these voices talk to each other and not just to themselves. This is the time when we will see the need for constructive dialogue.
Through my organisation, Iman, we lead political and cultural delegations to Parliaments, churches, synagogues, schools and mosques all over the world. Our aims are simple: To promote inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue.
Why? To challenge extremism. To support and promote mainstream voices. To build friendships, and promote peace.
I have led UK delegations to Berlin, Cairo, Beirut and beyond. On such trips we spend time with as many representatives of different faiths and political views as possible. It never ceases to encourage me that the message from religious and political leaders is one of hope, compassion and a commitment to peace. A few months ago, in Cairo, I met with Christian Coptic, leader Pope Shenouda and the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Dr Ali Gomaa. Both of them said that there is no room for hatred and extremism in Christianity and Islam respectively. These are the moderate voices we shall promote.
And yet we face the grim reality of extremism and violence on an almost daily basis. Whether it is the carnage brought to the streets of Iraq or the threat of an attack that looms over European cities.
Human development is key to stemming, reducing and halting the growth of extremism. By human development, I mean development in education, political freedom, internet access and economic growth.
I believe in the power of dialogue, and the power of connecting people around the world. Social media has played a remarkable role in the spread of organised discontent in the Maghreb, and it has given peaceful protesters a sense that they are not alone. That their efforts are being watched and supported by people all over the world.
Meaningful dialogue, in person and online, between different cultures and different people, can break down barriers that otherwise divide and isolate people.
The West has a duty to engage with the Arab world as it has a responsibility to protect itself from extremist elements within it.
UK Prime Minister David Cameron made a speech in Munich a few weeks ago in which he criticised the previous approach to multiculturalism. I know that you are having the same debate in Germany.
Mr Cameron is right to distinguish between Islam and Islamism. Islamism is a perverted twisted interpretation of Islam. Islamism must be challenged in Europe. All too often the benefits of multiculturalism (and there are some) are drowned out by news stories of intolerant Muslim schools or nationalist backlashes from extreme political groups such as the British National Party. These fringe battles have clouded the real issue:
How do we encourage immigrant communities to engage in wider society? Immigrants in Britain must learn English. Immigrants in Germany must learn German. They must integrate and as full citizens and develop a modern British identity or a modern German identity, an European identity. Those who live in the West – in London, in Berlin, who say they believe in democracy when they speak English, but incite religious hatred and violence when they speak in Arabic must feel the full force of the law. Clearly these people don’t know what democracy is. Democracy is not just an election. It is the freedom of worship for all, human rights for all, freedom of expression and association, pluralism, the participation by all parties in government. That is what democracy is.
London is a wonderfully diverse city. It is one of the reasons why I and millions of others feel so at home there. It is a city that teems with different cultures and communities. Diversity is good, but more must be done by everybody to promote integration.
We must see more from progressive, mainstream Muslim leaders – of which there are many – and we must do two things at the same time; make it easier and more beneficial for immigrants to engage with British society, and stand up strongly to vested interests and organisations that promote a philosophy totally alien to the values we all hold dear. Only then will we see stronger and safer communities.
And so my message to this conference is this: I salute the work of the police and security services. Your work is vital and all of us who enjoy safety and freedom owe you our thanks.
Your work in treating the symptoms of extremism must be matched by Western efforts to deal with the causes. At home, and abroad.
And married to this must be a wider appreciation of the need to forge greater friendships and relationships between the peoples of this world who do not hide behind terror and violence.
Western governments must support the great majority of mainstream Muslim writers, entrepreneurs, philosophers, human rights activists, journalists, publishers, editors and civil society leaders.
As we watch with uncertainty as the political map of the Middle East begins to creak and shift, we cannot know what voices will emerge the loudest. But I hope that we will embrace those who seek democracy and peace, and I hope that in time, it is those voices that prevail. Also I hope that the world can come together to fight extremism in all its forms on all sides.
Thank you.
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